#475 Power to the people.

WARD 13 · RIDEAU-ROCKCLIFFE · ACCOUNTABILITY BRIEF

The Meter's Running

Ottawa's data centre boom is about to push electricity demand past a century of growth in three years. Here's what that means for your bill, your grid, and what your councillor has actually said about it.

"All anxiety tranquilized, all boredom amused." — Arthur Jensen, Network (1976), written by Paddy Chayefsky

Peter Karwacki · August 31, 2026

0 MWh/day Today: 30,000  |  If the queue connects: 55,800

86%

of Hydro Ottawa's average system load, requested by 34 large-load projects now in the connection queue³

$18.72

a month — the cumulative residential bill increase Hydro Ottawa originally asked for by 2030, before regulators cut it down⁶

19 TWh

a year — Ontario's projected unserved-energy gap by 2035 if new supply isn't procured in time¹⁰

Every home and business in Ottawa currently draws about 30,000 megawatt-hours of power a day from Hydro Ottawa. Waiting in the utility's connection queue right now are 34 large-load projects that, combined, want another 25,800 MWh a day — enough to very nearly double the city's total draw. Roughly 60 per cent of that request comes from data centres; another 17 per cent comes from public institutions like hospitals and government facilities.¹³

None of the 34 projects have been named publicly. Hydro Ottawa's CEO, Bryce Conrad, told council in June that the requestors are not major hyperscalers like Amazon, Microsoft, or Meta — they're smaller companies, some in generative AI, alongside government customers seeking capacity for national defence.³ Ottawa residents are being asked to underwrite grid capacity for entities the utility itself won't identify.

Hydro Ottawa daily system load, today vs. if the full 1,075 MW queue connects. Source: CBC News, June 24, 2026 council briefing.³

Who pays to build this out

Conrad told council the utility is being asked to build, in two to three years, roughly what took the better part of 110 years to develop.³ Transformer procurement — once a six-to-nine-month wait — now runs two to four years.⁴ Hydro Ottawa says it will need to roughly double its capital investment over the next five years just to keep pace, and has gone from energizing one new substation every five years to about one a year.⁴⁵

That buildout shows up on residential bills. Hydro Ottawa's original five-year rate application sought a 16 per cent distribution increase for 2026 alone — $6.08 a month — with further increases through 2030 explicitly framed as funding grid expansion to meet demand growth.⁶ The Ontario Energy Board rejected the full plan on affordability grounds and capped 2026 at $5.87 a month, plus a retroactive catch-up charge through May 2027.⁶ Hydro Ottawa must now reapply annually for 2027 through 2030 — so the rest of that request is still on the table.⁶

Cumulative residential distribution bill increase vs. 2025 baseline. Only 2026 is currently locked in; 2027–2030 require separate annual OEB applications. Source: Ontario Energy Board decision, CBC News, May–June 2026.⁶⁷

This sits on top of province-wide pressure: Ontario's Regulated Price Plan rates rose roughly 29 to 30 per cent on November 1, 2025 — the largest jump since 2019 — with a further structural change on May 1, 2026 that raised effective daytime costs for most households.⁸ Nowhere in the public record does Hydro Ottawa specify what share of the data centre queue's own connection costs will be recovered from those customers directly, versus spread across everyone's bill — a cost-allocation question other jurisdictions are already confronting. Hydro-Québec, for comparison, is moving to charge large data centres roughly double its standard large-customer rate.⁹

Can the grid actually keep up?

Short term, provincially, yes: the Independent Electricity System Operator rates Ontario's supply adequate through mid-2027.¹¹ That's a province-wide generation forecast, though — a different question from Hydro Ottawa's local distribution bottleneck, where the transformer lead times above are the real constraint. The practical risk to Ward 13 in the near term isn't a province-wide blackout; it's localized reliability strain in areas where substations are pushed past capacity while upgrades queue up.⁵

Longer term, the picture is less comfortable. IESO's 2026 Annual Planning Outlook names data centres as a structural demand driver — expected to account for 13 per cent of Ontario's new electricity demand by 2035 — and projects unserved energy beginning around 2031, climbing toward 19 TWh a year by 2035 and roughly 95 TWh a year by 2044 without additional procurement.¹⁰ IESO has also drafted new technical requirements specifically for large computational loads, formally recognizing data centres as a distinct reliability-risk category.¹²

Ontario's projected unserved energy under IESO's reference demand scenario, without additional procurement. Source: IESO 2026 Annual Planning Outlook.¹⁰

A tale of two statements

Both of the following are Bryce Conrad, speaking on the same day.

June 24, 2026 — to City Council

"Extraordinary pressure" from a historic surge in large-scale connection requests — the highest volume in the company's history.³

CBC News, council briefing

June 24, 2026 — Annual General Meeting release

Hydro Ottawa is "fully prepared to meet the rising energy demands" of the city, with "confidence and resolve."⁵

Hydro Ottawa AGM press release

By August 13, in an interview about the request queue, Conrad's language had shifted again — describing the pace of new data centre requests as having "stabilized."¹³ Six weeks is a fast turnaround for a structural grid problem involving multi-year transformer lead times. What's most likely stabilized is the rate of new requests arriving — not the underlying capacity gap those requests already created.

I could not find any public reconciliation, from Hydro Ottawa or the City, of the "extraordinary pressure" framing given to council against the "fully prepared" framing given to the public and its own AGM audience — both delivered the same day.

Priorities, in public view

Ottawa households are the ones absorbing these increases. It's a fair test of a councillor's priorities to look at what actually shows up across their communications channels. Councillor King's office promoted Capital Pride in both his newsletter and his website in each of the last two years, and he was photographed at Sunday's parade. Great! So power to the people!
Events versus Oversight
Across the same period, I could find no newsletter item, public statement, or social post from him addressing the Hydro Ottawa rate case, the 1,075-megawatt data centre connection queue, or how those costs should be allocated between ratepayers and the companies driving the demand ¹⁴ — despite sitting on both the Finance and Corporate Services Committee and the Environment and Climate Change Committee, the two bodies most directly positioned to act on it.

Residents footing the bill increases have not heard from him on the file.

^{(What I am simply saying here is that if elected my focus would swing away from events and focus more on oversight.)}

---

References

1. Yahoo News Canada / The Canadian Press, "Data centres top Ottawa's big power requests, placing pressure on local utility," June 25, 2026. ca.news.yahoo.com
2. CBC News (Arthur White-Crummey), "Data centres hungry for power putting 'extraordinary pressure' on Hydro Ottawa," June 24, 2026. cbc.ca
3. Let's Data Science, "Data centres drive Ottawa's major power requests," citing CBC News, June 26, 2026. letsdatascience.com
4. Hydro Ottawa Group, "Past progress, future powered: Hydro Ottawa highlights record 2025 investments and launches 2026-2030 Strategic Direction," AGM press release, June 24, 2026. newswire.ca
5. CBC News (Nathan Fung), "Hydro Ottawa can't raise electricity rates by $6 a month, regulator rules," May 14, 2026. cbc.ca
6. CBC News, "Hydro Ottawa's rates to rise, but energy board rejected larger increase," June 15, 2026. cbc.ca
7. ImmigrationNewsCanada, "Ontario Hydro Summer Rate Changes Effective May 1," April 18, 2026. immigrationnewscanada.ca
8. Canada's National Observer, "Hydro-Québec proposes doubling electricity rates for energy-hungry data centres," February 19, 2026. nationalobserver.com
9. IESO, 2026 Annual Planning Outlook: Ontario's Electricity System Needs 2027–2050, March 2026. ieso.ca
10. IESO, "Reliability Outlook: New Energy Storage to Keep Ontario System Prepared for Summer 2026," June 18, 2026. ieso.ca
11. BLG, "Data centre regulation in Ontario: Grid access rules," July 8, 2026. blg.com
12. CTV News Ottawa, "'It's stabilized now': Ottawa Hydro CEO says data centre requests level out," August 13, 2026. ctvnews.ca
13. Councillor Rawlson King, ward newsletter and website, Capital Pride announcements, August 2025 and August 2026. rideau-rockcliffe.ca
14. Councillor Rawlson King, official biography, City of Ottawa.

https://peterkarwacki.blogspot.com/p/peter-karwacki-for-rideau-rockcliffe.html?m=1

#474 Busy parent/renter’s lived experience?

 

I know you don’t have time to read committee minutes. 

You’re trying to get dinner on the table, help with homework, and figure out how to absorb the latest rent increase notice that showed up in your inbox. Maybe you’re watching the OC Transpo tracker, praying the bus isn’t 15 minutes late *again* because you have to pick up your child from daycare before the late fees kick in.

When I talk about "municipal accountability," I know it sounds like wonk-speak. But here is the blunt truth: **Your rising rent and your chaotic commute are symptoms of the exact same disease—a City Hall that is financially sloppy and structurally complacent.**

Let me connect the dots for you, because your incumbent King won't.

**1. The Rent Connection (It’s not just landlords)**

When the City blows its budget on cost overruns (think LRT maintenance, endless consultant reports, and deferred infrastructure fixes), they don't absorb that loss. They raise property taxes. And when property taxes go up, your landlord’s operating costs go up. Guess who pays for that? **You do.** 

I have poured over the Auditor General’s findings and the committee votes that your current councillor has missed or waved through. When we fail to scrutinize city liabilities—when we wave through bloated contracts without real oversight—we are signing a permission slip for your landlord to hike your rent again next year. I am running to stop the financial bleeding at the source, so we aren't squeezing tenants to pay for administrative failures.

**2. The Parent’s Time Crunch (The "Lost Hour")**

I wrote recently about the Manor Park sidewalk deferral—a classic example of a local fix being delayed by endless bureaucratic ping-pong. But let’s talk about transit, because that’s where parents feel it most acutely.

We have a city council that treats transit oversight as a chore. Committee attendance slips, and nobody demands real accountability from OC Transpo management. The result? Unreliable headways, phantom buses, and commutes that take twice as long. For a busy parent, that "lost hour" isn't just annoying—it’s the hour you lost with your toddler, or the hour that forced you to pay for an extra hour of after-school care. 

**What I would do differently (immediately):**

I am not a career politician. I have zero interest in protecting the status quo to keep my seat. Here is my promise to the parents and renters of this ward:

- **I will use my one-term commitment to audit the fat.** I will vote against budget items that don't directly improve daily livability. If it doesn't get your bus moving or your pothole filled, it doesn't get my vote.

- **I will make oversight my primary job.** Not photo-ops. I will be the thorn in the side of city staff who think they can slide cost overruns past council without a fight. Every dollar slaved in bureaucratic waste is a dollar we don't have to extract from tenants.

- **I will prioritize 'reliability' over 'ribbon-cuttings'.** We don't need flashy new studies; we need the buses to show up on time so you can get home to your family.

I know you are exhausted. I know you don't have the spare 45 minutes to read the agendas I read. 

But here is my ask: **Vote like your time and your money matter—because they do.** If you are tired of paying more and getting less, I am your candidate. Not because I have all the answers, but because I am the only one willing to admit the system is rigged for incumbents—and I refuse to play that game.

Let’s stop the waste. Let’s get you home on time.

#473 Capital Pride

 

Together, We Shine

 

to be safe, to be seen for who she actually is, and to be able to walk through this city — any city — without having to brace herself for what a stranger might say.

Today, thousands of people are walking down Wellington and Bank Street for the Capital Pride Parade. This year's theme is "Together, We Shine" — a small phrase that says something bigger than any single event can hold.

I'm writing this as a father.

I have a daughter who is trans. Like any parent, what I want for her is what I want for both my kids: to be safe, to be seen for who she actually is, and to be able to walk through this city — her city — without having to brace herself for what a stranger might say.

That shouldn't be a controversial thing to want. But I know that for a lot of families, it still feels like one. I know because I've felt the tension myself — the small calculations parents of trans kids make before a school event, a family gathering, a doctor's appointment. Whether this is a room where we can just be a family, or a room where we have to explain, defend, or brace.

Pride, at its best, is a day where that bracing gets to stop. Where a parade route through the middle of our capital says, out loud and in public, that trans kids and trans adults belong here as fully as anyone else. Not as a special accommodation. Not as a debate to be settled. Just as neighbours.

I don't think support for a once child (now an adult) like mine should require anyone to abandon their own beliefs or their own faith. I've met people across the political spectrum, from every kind of background, who don't always agree on the politics of gender — and who are still, without exception, kind to my daughter when they meet her. That's the version of respect I actually think this city runs on: not uniform agreement, but a basic decency that holds even when we don't see eye to eye.

So today, on the day this city celebrates its 2SLGBTQIA+ community, here's what I'm asking for — not as a candidate, just as a dad:

For families like mine: you're not alone, and you don't owe anyone an explanation for loving your kid exactly as she is.

For neighbours who are uncertain or unfamiliar: curiosity offered in good faith is always welcome. Judgment isn't. There's a difference, and most people can tell which one they're bringing into a room.

For everyone in Ward 13 and across Ottawa: whatever our politics, whatever our disagreements about how this city should be run — and I have plenty of those — we can hold a hard line on respect for each other's kids. That one shouldn't be negotiable.

Pride isn't really asking anyone to change their mind about anything. It's asking for something smaller and, I'd argue, more achievable: peace, goodwill, and the ordinary respect owed to any neighbour walking down the street. My daughter deserves that. So does everyone else's kid, out there today, watching the parade go by.

Together, we shine — or we don't, all of us, at once.

#472 The Last time I checked we do live in a democracy.

 

What Can Voters Actually Do? What have they done?

Every election cycle, the same ritual plays out in Ottawa. A handful of pundits who follow city hall closely — closer than almost anyone else in this city — take one look at Ward 13 and call it. King wins. Wide margin. Don't bother checking the record, don't bother checking the turnout numbers, don't bother asking what a "win" actually measures here. The prediction is the story.

I don't say that as a complaint. I say it because it's true, and because it's worth asking why it's true, and what that "why" tells you about what you can actually do about it.

A vote through disinterest.  The prediction isn't wrong. That's the problem.

Incumbents in this city win essentially every time they run. Not most of the time — essentially every time. Meanwhile only about 40% of eligible voters bother to show up. That's not a coincidence, and it's not really about King, or me, or any single candidate in any single ward. It's what happens when a system quietly removes the cost of not paying attention. If the outcome is foreclosed before anyone opens a ballot, why would a pundit — or a voter — spend energy studying the record?

"Selling the snake oil"

Peter Clark lost after serving one term. He ran for re-election in 2014 but was defeated by Tobi Nussbaum with 47.19% of the vote compared to Clark's 18.22%. [1, 2, 3, 4]

Shifting neighborhood demographics favored Nussbaum's progressive vision, Clark heavy defeat, lead him to grumble that Nussbaum had simply "sold the snake oil"

Many wards don't even get that far.

Acclamation means the seat is filled with zero votes cast, zero debates held, zero record examined by anyone. That's not democracy operating quietly. That's democracy not operating at all, in a jurisdiction where the results still count.

Nobody talks about the record because nobody has to.

This is the part that should bother you more than the prediction itself. A councillor's committee attendance, voting pattern, and follow-through on public commitments are all a matter of record. It's checkable. It's boring, unglamorous, spreadsheet-and-agenda-minutes work — which is exactly why it doesn't make it into a punditry take that has to land in one paragraph. "He'll win easily" is a sentence. "Here's his actual voting record against his actual public statements over four years" is a project. Guess which one gets written.

That gap — between what's said and what's delivered — is the whole reason I've spent this campaign building out pieces on transit oversight, police board accountability, city liabilities, and process failures instead of running on vibes. Not because it moves polls. It doesn't, much, in a race this structurally decided. But because someone has to put the record on paper before the vote, not after.

So — short of a waving a flag on St-Laurent and Montreal — what can we do?

Realistically, more than you'd think, and none of it requires main-character energy on a street corner.

• Read one record before you read one prediction. Pick a councillor — mine, yours, doesn't matter — and look at committee attendance versus public statements. It takes fifteen minutes and it's more informative than a month of pundit takes.
• Show up if there's a debate, and ask for one if there isn't. A ward with no forum is a ward that's decided the debate isn't worth having. That's a choice you can push back on.
• Vote even where the outcome looks settled. A wide margin built on 40% turnout is a different result, politically, than the same margin built on 65%. Low turnout is the quiet permission slip incumbency runs on. Withholding it costs you nothing and changes what "mandate" means.
• Push back on acclamation specifically. A ward with no election on the ballot is the sharpest version of this problem, and it deserves to be named as a structural failure — a nomination process nobody contested, not an endorsement of the incumbent.
• Share the boring stuff, not just the outrage. A council vote tally travels less than a hot take, but it's the thing that actually holds up when someone checks it later. If structural accountability content only reaches people already paying attention, it never does its job.

None of this flips a 16-9 council split overnight, and I'm not going to pretend it does. But the entrenchment isn't a law of physics — it's a habit, built turnout cycle by turnout cycle, prediction by unchecked prediction. Habits get broken by people doing small, unglamorous, checkable things consistently. Not by flags. By records, read and passed on. 

So if you like what I have said....pass it on.

#471 Debate? I'll save you the trip

Here are my planned opening and closing statements in substance: built around my core messaging (truth-vs-comfort, evidence over performative statements, structural fixes, one-term commitment). 

Opening Statement

Good morning. I'm Peter Karwacki, and I'm running in Ward 13 because residents deserve the truth, not just comforting, mollifying words. 

I'm a an experienced senior administrator and certified project manager and - a trained data analyst — for thirteen years at IBM and Cognos I got paid to find out what's actually working, not what looks good in a press release. Those are the strengths I bring to this campaign.

Here's the pattern I keep finding: committees where our councillor calls for oversight - but never sits on them. Warnings - flagged as urgent that go unaddressed for years. 

Votes framed as community wins that council actually overruled. 

I don't say this to score points — I say it because outputs aren't outcomes, and Ward 13 residents can't hold anyone accountable for problems they were never shown. That is patent obfuscation!

I'm running for only this one 4 year term, no more. My job is to fix what's broken, then get out of the way. So- Let's talk about the record.

Closing Statement

Here's the choice in front of you. 

Ottawa's incumbents win essentially every time they run, yet only about four in ten eligible voters actually cast a ballot. 

That's not an accident — it's what happens when City Hall counts on you not paying close attention to the real municipal issues.

Urban wards like ours get outvoted 16 to 9 on council, every time, regardless of who represents us. 

That's the structural problem I've spent this campaign naming, because naming it is the first step to fixing it.

I haven't told you what you want to hear tonight. I've told you what the record shows — lack of committee involvement , unaddressed warnings, votes reframed after the fact. 

I'm asking for one 4 year  term to fix what's broken, with the accountability and transparency this ward has been missing for the last seven years. 

If you want someone who tells you the truth for your own good, not what's comfortable for themselves, I'm asking for your vote on election day.

Conclusion:

There will be give and take, rebuttals and so forth but that is the essence of it. 

In Rideau Rockcliffe less than 10 per cent of voters watched the last debate between the King and I.  Here it is in a nutshell:

Televised Debate

He reads his prepared answer to the rebuttle.

This time I will not be so gracious.

i

Déclaration d'ouverture

Bonjour. Je m'appelle Peter Karwacki, et je me présente dans le Quartier 13 parce que les résidents méritent la vérité, pas seulement des paroles réconfortantes qui apaisent.

Je suis un administrateur principal expérimenté, un gestionnaire de projet certifié et — un analyste de données formé — pendant treize ans chez IBM et Cognos, on me payait pour découvrir ce qui fonctionne vraiment, et non ce qui paraît bien dans un communiqué de presse. Ce sont ces compétences que j'apporte à cette campagne.

Voici le schéma que je continue de découvrir : des comités où notre conseiller réclame une surveillance — mais où il ne siège jamais. Des avertissements signalés comme urgents qui restent sans réponse pendant des années.

Des votes présentés comme des victoires communautaires, alors que le conseil les a en réalité rejetés.

Je ne dis pas cela pour marquer des points — je le dis parce que les résultats affichés ne sont pas les résultats réels, et les résidents du Quartier 13 ne peuvent pas demander des comptes pour des problèmes qu'on ne leur a jamais montrés. C'est de l'obscurcissement manifeste !

Je me présente pour un seul mandat de quatre ans, pas plus. Mon travail consiste à réparer ce qui est brisé, puis à céder ma place. Alors — parlons du bilan.

Déclaration de clôture

Voici le choix qui s'offre à vous.

À Ottawa, les élus sortants gagnent pratiquement à chaque fois qu'ils se représentent, et pourtant seulement environ quatre électeurs admissibles sur dix se rendent aux urnes.

Ce n'est pas un hasard — c'est ce qui arrive quand l'Hôtel de Ville compte sur votre inattention envers les véritables enjeux municipaux.

Les quartiers urbains comme le nôtre sont mis en minorité 16 contre 9 au conseil, à chaque fois, peu importe qui nous représente.

C'est le problème structurel que j'ai nommé tout au long de cette campagne, parce que le nommer est la première étape pour le corriger.

Je ne vous ai pas dit ce soir ce que vous vouliez entendre. Je vous ai dit ce que révèle le bilan — absence d'implication dans les comités, avertissements sans réponse, votes réinterprétés après coup.

Je vous demande un seul mandat de quatre ans pour réparer ce qui est brisé, avec la reddition de comptes et la transparence qui manquent à ce quartier depuis sept ans.

Si vous voulez quelqu'un qui vous dit la vérité pour votre bien, et non ce qui l'arrange lui-même, je vous demande votre vote le jour des élections.

#470 Critical Mass Ride Down St. Laurent

A Critical Mass Ride Down St-Laurent

Ottawa already has a Critical Mass ride.
What Ottawa doesn't have is a ride that makes an argument.
That's the gap I want to fill on Saturday, September 19, 2026, starting at 10am.

The route is the argument
Most Critical Mass rides are deliberately non-political — a celebration of numbers. This one should be different, because St-Laurent Blvd already has a case file.
The route is direct, point to point:

• Start: the controlled intersection at 815 St-Laurent Blvd — the former Rideau High School site.

• Finish: St-Laurent LRT station, beside the mall — ground zero for the transit tunnel closure and the 60-year TOD (transit oriented development) vision the city keeps deferring.
In between, the ride passes through the controlled intersections at McArthur, Donald, and Ogilvie/Coventry — the string of crossings that define what this stretch of St-Laurent actually feels like to ride today.

Finishing at the station means the ride ends exactly where the LRT tunnel and TOD story live, with the crowd already standing there.

Why this date and time
September 19, not sooner or later. It lands about five weeks before the October 26 election — close enough that a recap post is still fresh in people's minds when they vote.
10am, not later.

What this ride is actually for
Not a protest against anyone. A demonstration of demand — the same logic Critical Mass has always run on, pointed at a specific, already-documented set of failures: a tunnel with an unaddressed 2020 "urgent" finding, and a TOD transit-oriented development vision that's been talked about for sixty years and delivered on for approximately none of them.
If turnout is real, it becomes a data point I can put next the file. If it's thin, that's data too — and worth saying plainly rather than dressing up.

Logistics notes for organizing
• No permit is required  Ottawa Police notified in advance — not to ask permission, but to keep it uncontentious and safe.
• Corking (riders asked to briefly block side streets at intersections so the group stays together) is standard Critical Mass practice;
• Promote through the existing Critical Mass community — they're likely to show up
• Follow up - the election

Contact

Busy spot at 5 pm, the line up at Donsld is 40 cars deep.

#469 If they need a sign - they are not my kind of voter

Two Names. No Sign Required.

Ward 13, October 2026 — a simple and radical concept

There are two names on the Ward 13 ballot this October. Mine, and Rawlson King's. That's it. No slate of six to sort through. No ballot-order luck. No obscure name you've never heard of buried at position four.

Two names. A record for each. And four years of consequences for whichever one you pick.

So here's the radical part: in a two-name race, a lawn sign tells you nothing. It doesn't tell you who showed up to committee. It doesn't tell you who sat on Transit Commission while making public statements about transit oversight. It doesn't tell you who read the Auditor General's findings and who didn't. All it tells you is who has more signs — which is a function of budget, volunteers, and how many people already knew the name before the campaign started. That's it. That's the whole signal.

If you need a sign to know for whom to vote, you are not my kind of voter.

I don't mean that as a dig at people who are busy, or tired, or reasonably distrustful of political noise. I mean it literally: the sign is a substitute for the thing you're actually supposed to be doing, which is deciding who gets four years of your ward's transit oversight, your ward's police board scrutiny, your ward's say over how the next flood, the next tunnel closure, the next budget vote gets handled. A sign can't do that job. It was never built to.

The shortcut only works when someone else already checked

Signs, name recognition, "the incumbent" — these are shortcuts that make sense when you trust that someone already vetted the choice. A party did the vetting. A newspaper endorsement did the vetting. A trusted friend who follows this stuff closely did the vetting, and you're just deferring to them.

Ottawa municipal races don't have that layer. No party primary. Minimal media coverage — this race has had close to none. Ottawa's incumbents win reelection essentially every time, in an environment where roughly 40% of eligible voters turn out at all. Nobody is checking anybody's work for you. The shortcut you're using was built for a system that doesn't exist here.

What the record says instead

You don't need to trust me on this. You need forty-five minutes and an internet connection. Read the Auditor General's actual findings on the Police Services Board. Look up whether your councillor ever sat on the Transit Commission or the Light Rail Subcommittee before making public statements calling for stronger transit oversight. Look at what got said about a tunnel with a 2020 "urgent" safety finding that's still not repaired, and who said nothing about it despite the tunnel sitting in this ward.

None of that is hidden. It's just not on a sign.

What I'm asking, plainly:

1. Before you vote, or before you plant a sign for anyone — spend the forty-five minutes. Read one committee record. Read one AG report. Read one meeting minute.
2. If, after that, the sign-holder's name is still the right answer — good. That's an informed vote, and it counts the same as mine.
3. If you can't spare the forty-five minutes, spare five: ask what committee your councillor actually sits on. It's a one-line answer, and it tells you more than a sign ever will.

Two names. No excuse not to know the difference.

i

 

You are already at my blog:

See the page

#468 A comparsion for voters

A Councillor’s Job is to Build a City, Not Pander to a Crowd

By Peter Jan Karwacki — Candidate for Ward 13

Let’s be entirely clear about what leadership looks like: When a well-organized handful of residents object to a policy the whole city has already debated and approved, a councillor’s job is to explain that policy—not to bring a motion to carve out an exception for the loudest complainers.

Unfortunately, that is exactly what we see happening in Rideau-Rockcliffe. Incumbent Councillor Rawlson King has repeatedly chosen the path of short-term political pandering over long-term civic progress. When city-wide frameworks conflict with the immediate desires of vocal neighborhood associations, the playbook at City Hall is to immediately dilute the rules. This approach breaks our planning strategies, wastes public money, and deepens local inequality.

The Pattern of Local Exceptions in Ward 13

This is not a theoretical argument. We have a clear, documented track record of how macro-level policies are systematically dismantled for hyper-local interests. The table below illustrates the stark difference between what a city builder does versus what a career politician delivers:

The Issue	The Democratic, City-Wide Policy	The Local Pander / Carve-Out
Comprehensive Zoning Overhaul	The city drafts a unified New Zoning By-law to increase urban density consistently and eliminate archaic neighborhood exemptions.	Bringing targeted amendments to roll back maximum building heights from four storeys to three on specific streets (e.g., Maple Lane).
Heritage vs. Affordability	The New Official Plan establishes a mandate for gentle urban intensification to tackle the housing crisis in core urban zones.	Advancing motions to shield historic enclaves like Rockcliffe Park from universal zoning rules, heavily restricting property footprints to satisfy neighborhood associations.
Urban Boundary Limits	Council votes against outward sprawl, meaning urban wards must step up and absorb their fair share of missing-middle housing.	Opposing local "spot developments" and intensification projects the moment core constituents complain, offloading the growth burden to less affluent parts of the ward.

Why Pandering Fails the Entire City

When a politician capitulates to the loudest voices in the room, it triggers a chain reaction of systemic failures:

• It rewards demographic privilege: The residents who have the time, money, and resources to lobby for ward-level carve-outs are typically wealthy homeowners. Giving them an exemption means shutting out renters, young families, and future residents who desperately need housing options.
• It creates a fiscal nightmare: When we block core density, we force expensive suburban sprawl. This drives up municipal debt and causes property taxes to spike city-wide to pay for distant infrastructure.
• It offers an expensive illusion of control: When City Hall passes arbitrary, politically motivated exceptions that violate its own planning logic, developers simply appeal to the Ontario Land Tribunal (OLT). The city loses, the exception gets struck down, and taxpayers foot the legal bill.

Different Backgrounds, Different Priorities

To break a system built on pandering, we need a representative whose background isn’t rooted in communication strategies, market research, and local political positioning. Effective city building requires hard logistics, rigorous budget discipline, and complex project execution. A side-by-side contrast of our professional foundations makes the choice clear:

Category	The Incumbent (Rawlson King)	Our Campaign (Peter Jan Karwacki)
Education & Credentials	• M.A. in Communication (Carleton University) • Bachelor of Journalism & Law (Carleton University) • Certified Association Executive (CAE)	• Project Management Professional (PMP) Certified • Graduate Diploma in Business Administration (Lakehead University) • Certified Health Services Executive (CCHSE) • Bachelor of Science (Biology, Lakehead University)
Professional Experience	• 20+ years in private sector high-tech market research & communications. • Long-term community association organizer (Overbrook President, CRC Board). • Multi-term municipal politician (First elected 2019).	• 20+ Years Senior Project Management: Led complex tech, infrastructure, and migration initiatives for IBM, CBSA, NRCan, and Health Canada. • Healthcare & Infrastructure Leadership: Former Hospital CEO and Administrator; managed $12M+ budgets, delivered balanced balance sheets, and executed structural facility retrofits. • Hands-On Construction: Managed over 25 insulated concrete forming infrastructure projects from blueprints to onsite field labor.
Governance Focus	• Standard career-politician incentives focused on committee-level concessions to satisfy vocal neighborhood groups and secure successive terms.	• Focused strictly on evidence-based delivery, metric driven fiscal accountability, and systemic equity under an explicit, self-imposed one-term mandate.

The Single-Term Advantage: Principle Over Re-election

Two Votes, One Pattern: What Manor Park's Sidewalk Fight Says About How Ward 13 Is Governed

Sidewalks aren't the story. Who gets to override the rulebook, and how many times they get to try, is.

I know how this sounds. Council spent two years fighting over sidewalks on four residential streets, and the reasonable response is: don't we have bigger fish to fry? LRT bearings are cracking, the city is carrying $7.9 billion in on-balance-sheet liabilities, and a tunnel ceiling has been rated a "serious ongoing risk" since 2020. Why spend a blog post on four blocks of concrete in Manor Park?

Because the Manor Park sidewalk fight isn't really about sidewalks. It's the clearest, best-documented example on the public record of how our councillor treats a City policy he doesn't like: not by changing the policy, but by trying to carve himself an exception to it — twice, through two different mechanisms, until council finally said no in a recorded vote. Small file, clean paper trail, no ambiguity about what happened or when. That's exactly why it's worth fifteen minutes of your time. If you want to know how a councillor will handle the votes that actually matter — a $9.5 million tunnel repair, a fleet-testing dispute, a liability line growing faster than any other on the books — this is the file where you can watch the instinct in miniature, with all the paperwork intact.

The policy, in one sentence

Ottawa's Complete Streets policy and Transportation Master Plan treat sidewalks as a standard feature of an active transportation network, installed when a street already has its road, water, and sewer infrastructure being rebuilt — because bundling the work saves money and because the alternative is waiting 70 to 90 years for the next full rebuild. That's not a Manor Park rule. It's supposed to apply everywhere.

Round one: the deferral nobody voted on

In September 2025, after pushback from some residents, Councillor King announced in his own newsletter that he was deferring the sidewalk installation on Arundel Avenue, Kilbarry Crescent, Braemar Street, and Jeffery Avenue pending a "comprehensive evaluation," citing a survey his own office had run. No council vote. No committee vote. He didn't need one — under the City's practice, staff needed the area councillor's personal sign-off to proceed without bringing it to full council at all, and he withheld it, first to September, then again into 2026.

Three Manor Park residents didn't let it stand. They retained a Toronto lawyer, who wrote the city manager arguing the deferral was unlawful — that King had exceeded his authority as a single councillor, since council as a whole, not one member, is responsible for evaluating city policy, and that the deferral directly contradicted the City's own Official Plan and Master Transportation Plan.

Worth sitting with

This wasn't a political disagreement dressed up as a legal one. It was a formal claim, backed by outside counsel, that a councillor had used the informal consent step built into the process to functionally veto a city policy for his ward — without ever putting it to a vote where he could be outvoted.

Round two: the vote he lost, twice

Staff brought the plan back in March 2026, this time bundled with already-scheduled road, water, and sewer replacement — the kind of bundling the Complete Streets policy exists to capture.

Staff estimate: bundling the sidewalks into the already-scheduled Braemar/Finter/Kilbarry infrastructure renewal cost roughly $180,000; building them later as a standalone project was estimated at over $500,000 — the direct cost of deferral.

At the April 8 Public Works and Infrastructure Committee meeting, a motion narrowing the sidewalk plan — moved on King's behalf by the vice-chair — failed 5 to 7. King brought essentially the same ask to full council that day himself: remove sidewalks from sections of Arundel Avenue and Kilbarry Crescent, calling them lower priority and arguing the traffic impact hadn't been sufficiently studied. Council voted it down 16 to 7.

Both votes went the same direction — a solid majority against narrowing the sidewalk plan — but the margin widened sharply from committee (5–7) to full council (7–16).

Mayor Sutcliffe voted for King's motion, and he was candid about why in a way that undercuts the motion itself: he said afterward that he understood colleagues who argued the city can't make an exception here, that the rules apply universally and the alternative is a situation where every neighbourhood is different. He named the exception dynamic himself while still voting for it — a difficult decision, in his own words, made on the strength of how hard King had worked the file and how much residents wanted it, not on the planning merits.

"We can't make an exception here, we have rules. We apply them universally and we don't want a situation where every neighborhood is different." — Mayor Mark Sutcliffe, describing the argument made by colleagues he ultimately voted against

The city's own general manager of planning, development and building services, Marcia Wallace, pushed back on the precedent worry directly: she said she wasn't concerned that making an exception for one neighbourhood would set one. Whether or not that's reassuring depends on whether you think the next councillor with a vocal enough group of constituents gets the same courtesy.

Not everyone on council saw it as pandering

It's worth including the strongest counter-argument rather than skipping it. Kitchissippi's Jeff Leiper made the sequencing case plainly: skip the chance to bundle sidewalks into a street rebuild, and the next opportunity might not come for 70 to 90 years — and he pointed to his own ward, Westboro, built to rural standards without sidewalks, which still lacks them in much of the neighbourhood decades later. Alta Vista's Marty Carr framed it as building for the residents who told council what they needed, even if that's one or two people with mobility issues rather than a majority. River Ward's Riley Brockington took the other side, arguing residents have every right to disagree with a city plan for their own neighbourhood, since councillors aren't city employees bound to implement staff recommendations without local input. That's a legitimate democratic argument, and it deserves to be named rather than waved away — the dispute over whether local objection should override an area-wide policy is a real one, not a fake fig leaf.

What makes this case different from an ordinary "councillor listens to constituents" story is the mechanism. King didn't lose the argument and accept the outcome once; he ran the same ask through two separate channels — an informal single-councillor deferral first, then a formal committee and council motion second — after the first channel was challenged as exceeding his authority. That's not advocacy. That's testing how many doors are unlocked before one finally holds.

The vote tallies, side by side

Stage	Date	Mechanism	Result
Initial deferral	Sept 2025	Single-councillor withholding of consent (no vote)	Sidewalks deferred; no recorded vote
Legal challenge	Sept 2025	Resident-retained counsel letter to City Manager	Deferral called unlawful and contrary to Official Plan/Master Transportation Plan
PWIC vote	Apr 8, 2026	Motion to narrow sidewalk plan	Failed, 5 for – 7 against
Full Council vote	Apr 8, 2026	King motion to remove sidewalks from Arundel/Kilbarry sections	Failed, 7 for – 16 against

Why this is the file worth watching, not just the sidewalks

You could read this whole saga and conclude it's parochial — four streets, a few hundred thousand dollars, a councillor doing exactly what advocates for local control say councillors should do. Fair enough, on its own. But this is also the smallest, cleanest version of a pattern that shows up on files with far higher stakes: a preference for deferral, exception, and delay over sitting through the process and accepting its outcome. The same councillor who tried twice to carve Manor Park out of a citywide sidewalk standard has never sat on the Transit Commission or Light Rail Subcommittee despite years of public calls for stronger LRT oversight, and has stayed publicly silent on the St-Laurent LRT tunnel — rated a serious ongoing risk since 2020 — even though it sits in his own ward. Small file or big file, the instinct on display is the same: work around the process rather than through it.

So no, we don't have bigger fish to fry. This is one of the fish.

What I'd want a councillor to commit to instead

1. One channel, one decision. If a policy exception is worth asking for, ask for it once, in public, at council — not informally first and formally second after the informal version is challenged.
2. Publish the cost of deferral up front. The $180,000-versus-$500,000-plus gap here should have been in front of residents before the first deferral, not surfaced afterward in a staff report.
3. Say why this ward is different, on the record. If the case for an exception is real, it should survive being stated plainly and tested at committee — not argued through a newsletter and a councillor's informal veto.

References

• CBC News, "Manor Park sidewalks to go ahead after council vote," April 2026.
• Yahoo News Canada, "Manor Park sidewalk plan will outlast current residents, councillors argue," April 2026.
• Yahoo News Canada, "Three Manor Park residents demand the city build sidewalks in lawyer letter," September 2025.
• CBC News, "Anti-sidewalk campaign wins in Ottawa's Manor Park," September 2025.
• CBC News, "Manor Park braces to fight sidewalk battle all over again," March 2026.
• City of Ottawa, Public Works and Infrastructure Committee minutes, PWIC 2026-25-04, April 8, 2026.

Peter Karwacki is a candidate for Ward 13 (Rideau-Rockcliffe) in Ottawa's October 2026 municipal election.

#467 One more time - Yes to Sidewalks

Build the Sidewalk While the Street Is Already Open

Why sidewalks belong in every sewer and watermain renewal project — and why council was right to reject the King's pandering

When a street's sewer and watermain are old enough to need full replacement, the road above them has to be dug up and rebuilt regardless. That is the moment to add the sidewalk — not five or ten years later, when the same excavation, restoration, and traffic-control costs would have to be paid a second time. Ottawa's Complete Streets Policy has said as much since 2013, and the city's own Transportation Master Plan is explicit that building sidewalks during reconstruction is the cost-effective, least-disruptive way to close the network's gaps[1].

That principle was tested directly in Rideau-Rockcliffe this year, and it held.

What happened in Manor Park: City staff recommended sidewalks on Braemar Street, Finter Street, and Kilbarry Road as part of an already-underway sewer, water, and road renewal project[2]. Ward 13 Councillor Rawlson King moved at the Public Works and Infrastructure Committee to pare the sidewalks back — his motion lost 5 to 7[3]. He brought a last-ditch version to full council. Council rejected that too. Mayor Mark Sutcliffe backed the staff position, saying the city couldn't carve out exceptions street by street without undermining the policy for everyone[4]. The sidewalks are going ahead[4].

That vote is worth sitting with. This wasn't staff overriding an elected council — it was council, on a cross-party basis, overriding its own colleague's attempt to make an exception. And look at what the opposition actually consisted of: residents telling CBC the street "doesn't generate enough traffic to merit sidewalks," that they feel safe walking their dog, that barely a car goes by[2]. Not a safety case. Not an accessibility case. A preference for the status quo, dressed up as a neighbourhood concern.

King moved to accommodate that anyway. A councillor's job, when a well-organized handful of residents object to a policy the whole city already debated and approved, is to explain the policy — not to bring a motion to carve out an exception for the loudest complainers. Council said no twice. The mayor said the quiet part out loud: you can't run the city street by street based on who shows up with lawn signs.

The case, point by point

Why Sidewalks Belong in Every Sewer/Watermain Renewal — and Why the Objections Don't Change the Answer

#	The case for building it now	Answering the objection
1	One dig, not two. The road surface is already coming up for the pipe work. Adding the sidewalk now means never paying to re-excavate and repave the same street a second time.	"It costs more up front." It costs less overall. Excavation and restoration — not the pipe or the concrete — are the dominant cost of underground infrastructure work, which is exactly why cities elsewhere have adopted formal "dig once" rules requiring exactly this kind of bundling[5].
2	This is the cheapest a sidewalk will ever be. Retrofitting one onto a finished road later means re-cutting curbs, redoing drainage grading, and disturbing work that was just completed.	"This street doesn't have enough traffic to need one." That's not a safety argument — it's a comfort argument. Traffic volume measures driver convenience, not pedestrian safety. Low-traffic streets are exactly where residents — including seniors and children — end up walking on the road itself, with no separation from whatever vehicles are present at all.
3	One disruption, not two. Residents endure the excavation and restoration period once, for both projects, instead of enduring it again years later when the sidewalk finally gets its own separate turn.	"The construction is disruptive." It's disruptive once, on a fixed timeline, with the underground work paying for the shared mobilization cost. The alternative isn't no disruption — it's the same disruption twice.
4	Sidewalks, curbs, and drainage are one engineered system. Designing and building them together produces better runoff control and fewer icing/pooling problems than adding a sidewalk around an existing drainage layout later.	"It changes the street's character." A street's character doesn't include forcing pedestrians onto the road. Basic infrastructure parity with the rest of the city is not a threat to a neighbourhood's identity.
5	Applied consistently, the policy is fair. Every neighbourhood gets the same standard when the same trigger — full road reconstruction — applies to it, rather than sidewalks depending on which street can organize the loudest opposition.	"Our street should be the exception." That's not an argument — it's a request for special treatment, and council recognized it as one in Manor Park. Grant one well-organized street an exception and you no longer have a policy; you have a negotiation, street by street, won by whoever has the time and lawn signs to fight it[4].
6	Accessibility gains land now, not on a waiting list. AODA-compliant curb ramps and a continuous walking surface arrive with the underground work instead of waiting for a stand-alone sidewalk program to eventually reach the street.	"Tree removal is a real cost." It is, and it should be minimized and disclosed honestly — but it's a design and mitigation question, not a reason to skip the sidewalk. Cities that have faced this directly have found root-friendly alignments and replacement planting; the answer is better design, not no sidewalk[6].

The bottom line: a torn-up street is the cheapest, least disruptive moment a city will ever have to close a sidewalk gap. Ottawa's own council just proved, on a real Ward 13 project, that it's willing to hold that line — even against its own colleague's motion to weaken it in favour of a handful of residents whose objection amounted to "we like it the way it is." That's the standard the next council should keep. A ward councillor's job is to represent the neighbourhood's interests, not to reflexively echo whoever complains loudest at a public meeting.

References

1. City of Ottawa Transportation Master Plan, Policy 6-2 ("Improve and Expand the Pedestrian Network"), and the city's Complete Streets Policy (2013), as summarized by Ecology Ottawa, "The Fight for Sidewalks in Manor Park." ecologyottawa.ca/manor_park_sidewalks
2. CBC News, "Proposed Manor Park sidewalks getting the side eye from some" (July 2025), on the original staff recommendation for sidewalks and traffic calming on the affected streets. cbc.ca/lite/story/1.7596368
3. City of Ottawa Public Works and Infrastructure Committee minutes, Motion PWIC 2026-25-04, on the committee vote on Councillor King's motion regarding Braemar Street, Finter Street, and Kilbarry Road. pub-ottawa.escribemeetings.com
4. CBC News, "Manor Park sidewalks to go ahead after council vote" (Arthur White-Crummey, April 8, 2026), on the full council vote and Mayor Sutcliffe's comments. cbc.ca/news/canada/ottawa/manor-park-sidewalks-to-go-ahead-after-council-vote-9.7156814
5. National League of Cities, "Building Resilient Communities: The Power of Dig Once Policies," and Vanderbilt University Law School, "Dig Once: How Federal, State, and Local Governments Can Reduce the Cost of [Broadband Deployment]," on excavation and restoration as the dominant cost driver of underground infrastructure work. nlc.org; cdn.vanderbilt.edu
6. CBS News Los Angeles, "Neighbors outraged as Torrance plans to remove 60 trees to save sidewalks," on root-friendly redesign and replacement planting as a mitigation approach. cbsnews.com

Built for Forty Years, Not for the Next Two

The safety and accessibility case for sidewalks — and why a councillor's term shouldn't be the planning horizon

A concrete sidewalk, properly built, lasts 40 years or more before it needs full replacement[1]. A council term lasts four. Every time a street comes up for sewer and watermain renewal, someone standing at a podium is thinking about the next two years — the next election, the next round of complaints, the next lawn sign. The people who actually depend on that sidewalk are thinking about the next four decades, whether they realize it or not. Those are two very different planning horizons, and only one of them should be setting the design.

Who actually needs the sidewalk

This isn't an abstract debate about neighbourhood character. It's about specific people, using a street in specific ways, who have no real alternative to the road itself when there's no sidewalk.

Who a missing sidewalk actually fails

Who	What "no sidewalk" means for them
Wheelchair and mobility-device users	Where there's no accessible sidewalk, people using wheeled mobility devices are forced onto the road itself to get anywhere — trading a barrier for a genuine collision risk[2]. This isn't a design nicety; the accessibility literature treats it as a direct road-injury risk factor.
Seniors	Research on winter pedestrian access found that cold weather itself barely changes how often older adults go outside — but snow and ice on the ground keeps them home[3]. A level, properly graded, properly drained surface is what determines whether an 80-year-old keeps walking to the corner store through a Rideau-Rockcliffe winter or stops leaving the house.
Kids on trikes and bikes	A five-year-old on a trike, or an eight-year-old learning to ride, doesn't belong sharing a travel lane with a car — regardless of how "quiet" the street's defenders insist it is. A sidewalk is the only place a small child on wheels is actually separated from moving vehicles.
People using canes, walkers, and strollers	The same design standard that serves wheelchair users — a level, adequately wide, well-drained path of travel — is what keeps a parent pushing a stroller, or someone using a cane after a hip replacement, off the traffic lane entirely.

Ice isn't a maintenance footnote — it's the accessibility failure

Winter is where the design case gets tested and where it usually fails first. A survey of pedestrians across a range of ages found that icy sidewalks and pooled water at curb ramps were the single biggest factors driving people — especially seniors — indoors during winter, more than the cold itself[3]. A separate review of mobility-device users found that snow and ice routinely leave wheels unable to gain traction at all, sometimes stranding people entirely[4]. That's not a plowing schedule problem you can fix after the fact. It's a design problem: a sidewalk that's level, properly graded so water doesn't pool at the curb cut, and wide enough to stay passable when it narrows under snow, fails less often than one bolted on as an afterthought.

Year 0Street torn up for sewer/water. Sidewalk built into the design.

Year 4One council term ends. The sidewalk is still there.

Year 20Five council terms have come and gone. Kids who tricycled on it are driving.

Year 40The concrete finally needs full replacement[1] — the same one-time window this whole debate is about.

The forty-year test

Here's the question that should settle every one of these debates before it starts: will the person objecting today still be the one living with the decision in twenty years? Often, no. The senior who needs a level, ice-managed surface to keep walking independently in five years may not be the same person currently telling a reporter the street "doesn't generate enough traffic." The child who needs separation from moving cars on a trike hasn't been born yet in some of these households. A council term is four years. A mayor's is four years. A sidewalk, built once and built right, outlasts both several times over[1] — which is exactly why it shouldn't be designed to satisfy whoever is loudest in year one.

The bottom line: sidewalks aren't a streetscape preference. For a wheelchair user, a senior in February, or a four-year-old on a trike, they're the difference between independent mobility and staying home. Ottawa gets one practical window to build that in properly — when the street is already torn up for sewer and water work. Building for the next two years of political comfort, instead of the next forty years of actual use, is exactly the kind of short-term thinking Ward 13 can't afford at the accountability level or the concrete level.

References

1. Georgia Institute of Technology, "Economic and social sustainability of sidewalk infrastructure" (Patel, 2019), on sidewalk infrastructure having a service life of more than 40 years before full-cycle replacement. repository.gatech.edu
2. ScienceDirect, "Disability and pedestrian road traffic injury: A scoping review," on inaccessible sidewalks and missing curb cuts forcing wheeled mobility-device users into the roadway. sciencedirect.com
3. Li, Hsu & Fernie, "Aging and the Use of Pedestrian Facilities in Winter," Journal of Urban Health (2012), on icy sidewalks and pooled water at curb ramps as the leading factors keeping older adults indoors in winter. pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC3732686
4. ScienceDirect, "Winter Mobility and Community Participation Among People Who Use Mobility Devices: A Scoping Review," on snow- and ice-covered sidewalks preventing mobility devices from gaining traction. sciencedirect.com