Campaign Video

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Tuesday, 9 June 2026

Gerrymandering..could this solve the urban suburban vote splitting?




 This is a genuinely interesting electoral geography question. 


Looking at the maps, the blue/purple wards are concentrated in Ottawa's urban core, while the outer wards are solidly green. Here's a balanced breakdown:

Pros

  • Reduced polarization — councillors would need to appeal to and represent both urban and suburban constituents, potentially moderating extreme positions on issues like transit vs. roads
  • City-wide perspective — every ward would have a stake in both LRT, cycling infrastructure and suburban road maintenance
  • Prevents policy silos — currently, purely urban councillors and purely suburban councillors can talk past each other on council
  • Reflects mobility patterns — many Ottawa residents live in suburbs but use urban services regularly

Cons

  • Dilutes minority communities of interest — urban residents with distinct needs (density, transit, walkability) lose concentrated electoral voice; this is classic cracking
  • Unworkable geographies — the wards would be oddly shaped and sprawling, making constituent service very difficult
  • Serves neither well — a councillor juggling Vanier and Barrhaven simultaneously has conflicting mandates
  • Still gerrymandering — regardless of intent, manipulating boundaries to produce specific political outcomes is the definition of the problem
  • Community identity matters — neighborhoods share school boards, BIAs, and social ties that ward boundaries should respect

The Core Tension

The essential cracking of urban voting blocs to prevent issue-focused urban representation which benefits suburban majorities. Ottawa's size makes truly mixed wards nearly impossible without absurd shapes.

Better alternatives might include ranked ballot voting or proportional representation, which address polarization without distorting geography.

Ottawa Buys a Dump - they made 'em an offer they couldn't refuse

 


The Dump issue tells you everything you need to know about decision making at City Hall.

Study this carefully. Look over here, not over there.

The Four Dump Options Outlined by Staff

(1) incineration at $497M–$862M, 

(2) continuing to use the current Trail Road dump alongside a private facility, 

(3) building a new municipal landfill at $439M–$761M, and 

(4) purchasing the Taggart site for $95M plus closing costs.

The Next Best Alternative: Option 2 — Private Tipping Fees

 The Taggart Miller site was going to be a landfill whether the city bought it or not — it already had all the necessary approvals. This is the critical fact. 

The city's realistic next-best alternative wasn't building something new; it was simply not buying and instead paying per-tonne tipping fees to Taggart as a private operator.

Here's why that's the true BATNA (Best Alternative to a Negotiated Agreement):

  • No capital outlay. The city avoids a $95M+ upfront purchase.
  • Flexibility. Tipping fees could be renegotiated or the city could split waste across multiple private facilities over time.
  • Trail Road buys time. The current Trail Road landfill was near capacity, but it still had some remaining runway during which a longer-term strategy could have been developed.

Why the City Likely Rejected It

Mayor Sutcliffe argued that another solution might save taxpayers a few dollars a year for the next 10 years but cost hundreds and hundreds of dollars more in the long run. This is the classic "pay now vs. pay more later" argument — and over a 30-year lifespan, private tipping fees at commercial rates for 450,000 tonnes/year would almost certainly far exceed $95M. Taggart, knowing Ottawa had to go somewhere, would have been in a strong negotiating position on fees.

The Deeper Problem

I implicitly raised a governance issue: the city might have created its own landfill on city-owned land and obtained its own approvals — but that ship sailed long ago. 

Taggart spent two decades and significant capital getting approvals, and that regulatory groundwork is itself a large part of what the $95M was buying.

Bottom Line

The next best alternative was paying private tipping fees to Taggart as an operator rather than as a landlord — but it would have handed Taggart enormous pricing leverage for decades. 

 Ottawa was maneuvered (willingly or not) into a position where purchasing was the only fiscally defensible choice, making this less a "great deal" and more, as A SAPRANO put it, an offer it couldn't refuse.

From a goverance perspective where was the staff on this???

What Staff Should Have Done

A city the size of Ottawa absolutely has — and had — the planning staff, engineers, and consultants to model long-range waste capacity.

 Trail Road's finite lifespan was not a surprise. Taggart started accumulating land as far back as 2005, and if a private developer saw the opportunity two decades ago, city planners had the same data. 

The window to secure city-owned land, begin environmental assessments, and pursue approvals independently was wide open in the mid-2000s.

Why It Didn't Happen — The Real Reasons

There are several compounding factors:

1. The Political Cycle Problem Waste planning operates on 20-30 year horizons. Municipal politicians operate on 4-year cycles. No councillor wins votes by spending capital today on a problem that won't bite until after they're gone. Staff recommendations on long-horizon infrastructure tend to get shelved, deferred, or underfunded when there's no political urgency.

2. NIMBY Siting any waste facility — landfill, incinerator, transfer station — triggers fierce community opposition. 

Residents and local groups expressed concerns about secrecy, traffic (800 trucks daily), and environmental impacts on areas like Carlsbad Springs even for this purchase. Imagine the political cost of a city-led greenfield site selection process. 

Staff who advance those files face years of public hearings, legal challenges, and angry constituents. 

The path of least resistance is to wait. 

3. The Approvals Gap 

Taggart spent roughly two decades navigating approvals, with the permit changing as recently as May 2024 to include residential waste. 

That regulatory journey 

  • environmental assessments, 
  • provincial permits, 
  • community consultations 

is enormously expensive and time-consuming. 

The city could have done this on public land, but it would have required sustained political will across at least four or five different councils. That kind of continuity almost never happens. 

4. Staff Incentives and the "Crafted Estimates" 

Question:  Do staff estimates  lead council to a predetermined decision?

 When staff sense that leadership has a preferred outcome, analysis can be framed to support it not necessarily through dishonesty, but through the choice of what to compare, what costs to include, and what benefits to leave unstated. 

Notice that options 1 and 3 had no benefits discussed, only costs, while option 4 had strong advocacy from the mayor.

5. The Closed-Door Problem The vote followed a closed-door council meeting, which limits the kind of independent scrutiny that might have surfaced better alternatives earlier. 

Good long-range infrastructure planning needs public input. It creates accountability and surfaces options that internal staff processes miss. 

 Uncomfortable Conclusion

The city didn't "miss the boat" by accident. It missed it through a predictable combination of short-term political thinking, 

bureaucratic risk-aversion, and the 

near-impossibility of sustaining multi-decade infrastructure strategies across changing councils. 

Taggart, as a private actor with a single long-term business goal and no electoral calendar to worry about, simply out-planned the city — and then sold them the result at a substantial premium.

As I noted, as a professional project manager, this was two decades in the works pretty good planning just not by the city  pattern. Here's what's been shelved, deferred, or chronically underfunded in Ottawa over the past five years.

1. The Big Picture: An $11 Billion Infrastructure Hole

 Provincial asset management rules required Ottawa to publicly report its infrastructure funding gap. The numbers are stark: over the next 10 years, Ottawa faces an $11 billion shortfall in funding required to maintain and replace aging assets. Council approved 5% annual water rate increases and additional borrowing to address a $4 billion gap in water and wastewater infrastructure but the remaining $7 billion, covering roads, parks, facilities and other assets, was simply deferred. The dump decision fits squarely within this pattern. 

2. OC Transpo , Death by a Thousand Cuts

Transit has been the most visible casualty. Rather than investing to grow ridership, the city has repeatedly retreated:

OC Transpo projected a $35 million shortfall in fare revenue for 2024 due to post-pandemic ridership levels. Staff recommended fare hikes and service cuts, including aligning bus routes to "current ridership levels.

At the transit commission, councillors discussed digging into transit reserves, fare freezes, and possibly layoffs to fill a $50 million budget hole, a move the city's own chief financial officer acknowledged was "not sustainable." 

OC Transpo cut 74,000 hours of bus service in 2024, a 3.5% reduction. Critics noted that cutting services based on ridership volumes rather than investing in the system to attract more riders amounts to a self-fulfilling death spiral. 

Confederation Line trains were cut to every 10 minutes during midday hours, saving an estimated $1.6 million per year — a short-term fix that further erodes the transit system's appeal.

3. Affordable Housing — Targets Set, Targets Missed

Councillors set a target of creating 500 new affordable housing units per year — but have not reached that goal even once. The city's own finance staff reported it will not meet its long-term housing targets without significant new support from higher levels of government, needing roughly an additional $155 million per year. The gap between stated priorities and actual funding is striking. 

4. Roads, Parks and Facilities

Much of Ottawa's infrastructure — roads, pipes, arenas, fire stations — was built in the 1960s and 70s and is now reaching end of life. For decades, the city did not set aside enough each year to properly maintain and replace these assets. The bill is now coming due. While Toronto responded to the same pressure with property tax increases of 9.5% in 2024, under Mayor Sutcliffe, Ottawa chose to delay rather than confront the remaining gap. 

5. Spending on Developer-Driven Projects Instead

Perhaps most revealing is what did get funded. A mayoral candidate's commentary points out the priorities that crowded out long-term planning: Council chose to spend $500 million for Lansdowne to fix a broken Ottawa Sports and Entertainment Group business model, $600 million for the Tewin subdivision that the Taggart Group wants to build, and $95 million for a dump site appraised at $23 million and originally purchased by Taggart for $8 million. 

The Pattern

  • Short-term affordability optics 
  • low tax increases, 
  • no hard decisions) 

ARE consistently chosen over long-term fiscal responsibility. 

Staff have repeatedly identified the gaps — on transit, housing, roads, water — and council has consistently deferred, trimmed, or ignored the recommendations that required political courage to implement. 

The dump purchase is simply the most recent and visible consequence of that decades-long habit.I 

Let me know what you think.  Invite me to your hood!

peterkarwacki.overbrook@gmail.com


This time around, vote differently, vote wisely, vote for Peter Karwacki for Rideau Rockcliffe.




Meet the dog walkers in Rockcliffe Park

 


You can only go so far with social media.

In Rockcliffe you have to meet people where their pets are...going for a walk.

One said...I don't have a wife...I have a dog.

Another said...you seem like a pretty smart guy.

That's what I was shooting for.

I will see you out there with my mobile campaign office.


And my event canopy...with music!



Yesterday I was campaigning in Carson's Grove, near cité Colleagial.
Here at Den Haag Drive and Bathgate Drive at the NRC.
Surprisingly effective, with music.

Let me know what you think.  Invite me to your hood!

peterkarwacki.overbrook@gmail.com

This time around, vote differently, vote wisely, vote for Peter Karwacki for Rideau Rockcliffe.




Lessons from Lansdowne

 

This is a genuinely interesting question about civic governance, and the Lansdowne vote is a useful lens for examining some structural patterns in Ottawa politics. 


The project was approved. What does this say about politics in Ottawa?

1. The suburban majority problem

2. Process was used as a tool, not a safeguard

3. The auditor general's role and its limits

4. The partnership model and private influence

5. The cost-of-living disconnect

Let me offer a fair-minded analysis rather than a purely partisan one because I agreed with King but not for the reason he gave.



What the Vote Reveals About Ottawa Politics

1. The suburban majority problem

The clearest pattern in the 15-10 vote is geographic. As your blog documents, the Yes votes came predominantly from outer suburban and rural wards — Orléans, Barrhaven, Kanata, Stittsville, West Carleton, Osgoode, Rideau-Jock, Riverside South — while the No votes were concentrated in the urban core. This is not incidental. Ottawa's ward system, combined with population growth in the suburbs, means that councillors representing communities furthest from Lansdowne Park, and least likely to bear the transit burden, noise, displacement, or neighbourhood disruption from the project, held the decisive votes on it. The people most affected by the decision — residents of the Glebe, Old Ottawa South, Centretown, and inner east wards — were outvoted by representatives of communities that will largely experience Lansdowne as a destination they occasionally drive to.

This reflects a longstanding tension in amalgamated Ottawa: the 2001 merger of the old City of Ottawa with its suburban and rural neighbours created a council where outer-ring interests regularly shape decisions about inner-city infrastructure.


2. Process was used as a tool, not a safeguard

Several procedural patterns were troubling. Councillor Devine noted publicly that the final meeting dates were announced late on the Friday before a long Thanksgiving weekend — a classic tactic for minimizing scrutiny. The auditor general's report was released after the Finance Committee meeting, denying members the opportunity to take her findings into account before their committee vote. A push for a public referendum was rejected. Councillor Menard's attempt to allow more time to review a massive trove of documents before the final vote also failed. Each of these individually might be defensible; taken together, they suggest a process designed to reach a predetermined outcome rather than one genuinely open to deliberation. When transparency mechanisms are available but consistently not used, that is itself a political signal.


3. The auditor general's role and its limits

Ottawa has a capable, independent auditor general who issued explicit, evidence-based warnings about cost overruns, speculative revenue assumptions, and insufficient contingency. Council acknowledged her findings — and then largely voted as if they hadn't. The auditor general herself noted that her audit confirmed many financial assumptions were reasonable and supported by analysis, so she wasn't calling for rejection — but her risk flagging was substantial and specific. The fact that a 15-10 majority voted yes despite those warnings illustrates something important: accountability mechanisms in municipal government are advisory, not binding. The auditor can identify risks; she cannot compel council to act on them. When the political will to proceed exists, procedural guardrails tend to yield.


4. The partnership model and private influence

The OSEG relationship runs through the entire story. The plan was criticized as being made by and for OSEG's assets, and the decision to size the arena for the Ottawa 67s rather than the PWHL Ottawa Charge — without inviting the PWHL to the table — reinforced that perception. This is a familiar pattern in municipal politics across Canada: public-private partnerships in civic infrastructure tend to embed private interests deeply into public decision-making, and the longer the partnership, the more entrenched those interests become. A deal structured to run until 2075 effectively commits not just the current council but the next five or six councils to a framework negotiated today, limiting future democratic choices.


5. The cost-of-living disconnect

Perhaps the most politically telling dimension is the timing. This vote happened in November 2025, during a period of acute housing unaffordability and cost-of-living pressure across Ottawa. Your blog juxtaposes the $418.8M commitment with Overbrook's 26% renter core housing need and a median renter shelter cost of $1,210 against incomes that leave many spending 30%+ of their income on housing. That juxtaposition is not just rhetorical — it points to a real question about political priorities. The councillors who voted Yes largely argued these were separate envelopes of funding that couldn't be swapped. That argument has some technical validity. But politically, it reveals a council more confident allocating hundreds of millions to an entertainment and sports infrastructure deal than to the grinding, unsexy work of addressing housing precarity in inner-city neighbourhoods. The optics were poor; the substance may have been worse.


6. What it doesn't say

To be fair, the vote doesn't prove corruption, capture, or bad faith on the part of the majority. Several Yes-voting councillors raised legitimate concerns and voted yes anyway out of a genuine belief that the infrastructure was deteriorating past the point of delay. The "costs of doing nothing" argument has real merit. Ottawa politics is not uniquely broken — this kind of suburban-majority overriding urban-core preferences on a contentious infrastructure deal is common in amalgamated Canadian cities. And the 10 No votes, a substantial minority, show that dissent was present and vocal.


The Broader Lesson

What Lansdowne 2.0 most clearly illustrates is that in Ottawa, as in most Canadian municipalities, the structural incentives favour doing something visible and large over doing many smaller things well. A new arena is photographable. Fixing core housing need in Overbrook is not. A 15-10 vote in favour of a flashy $419M project, over the explicit objections of the auditor general and the city's most popular sports franchise, in the middle of a cost-of-living crisis, tells you something about how political capital is accumulated and spent at Ottawa City Hall — and about who, ultimately, the system is most responsive to.

That's a case worth making clearly in the upcoming council election.

Let me know what you think.

peterkarwacki.overbrook@gmail.com

This time around, vote differently, vote wisely, vote for Peter Karwacki for Rideau Rockcliffe.

Do not pander pardner

 



DO NOT PANDER,

DO NOT ELECT A PANDERING POLITICIAN.

DO WHAT IS RIGHT FOR OTTAWA.

Are you paying attention?

Pay attention

To Pander

used in the context of politics to describe leaders who say exactly what the public wants to hear rather than taking principled stands.


My commitment:

I will not pander. If elected, I will not run for another term. I will get in, work on my platform issues, then get out.


Içi en français

NE FAITES PAS DE GALÈRE. N'ÉLISEZ PAS UN POLITICIEN GALÈRE. FAITES CE QUI EST BON POUR OTTAWA. Vous m'écoutez ? Soyez attentif. Galère Le terme « galère » est utilisé en politique pour décrire les dirigeants qui disent exactement ce que le public veut entendre plutôt que de prendre des positions de principe.

Let me know what you think.

peterkarwacki.overbrook@gmail.com

This time around, vote differently, vote wisely, vote for Peter Karwacki for Rideau Rockcliffe.

Gagné?



 Vous vous présentez et exposez vos idées aussi clairement que possible. Vous informez les électeurs du mieux que vous pouvez.


Vous partez du principe que l'électeur informé fera le meilleur choix.


Ce choix éclairé contribuera à faire du conseil municipal le plus efficace possible.


Si le conseil municipal est le plus efficace possible, nous en profitons tous !


Peter Karwacki, candidate for Rideau-

Rockcliffe Wardpeterkarwacki.overbrook@gmail.com

This time around, vote differently, vote wisely, vote for Peter Karwacki for Rideau Rockcliffe.